Pakistan’s short, sharp handshake
Will Heaven examines Pakistan’s international relations in light of the recent assasination attempt on Benazir Bhutto.
The bombs which killed more than a hundred of Benazir Bhutto’s supporters in Karachi on Thursday night marked the beginning of a new episode in Pakistani politics. It was not the start that the former Prime Minister, returning from eight years of self-imposed exile, had hoped for. But over the course of her political career, Bhutto has made numerous enemies.
Ms Bhutto’s father, Zulfikar Ali, is the reason behind her career in the Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP). His controversial execution in 1979 for allegedly ordering the killing of a political opponent launched his daughter’s political career and tied her to politics in a way that mirrors the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty in India. She has twice been Prime Minster and twice been sacked for charges of corruption. But Bhutto’s return to Pakistan has been on the cards for over a year: she is often referred to by the Pakistani press as “the lady-in-waiting”.
Anyone who has witnessed the border closing ceremony at Wagah between India and Pakistan, which I was fortunate enough to see this summer, will have some idea of the relationship the two countries have. The ceremony is full of pomp, military splendour and one-gunmanship, and the fiercest and tallest soldiers from the sub-continent are hand-picked to stomp and scream every evening at sunset in front of cheering crowds. But an interesting change has occurred in the last few years. Now, just before the nations’ flags are lowered, one soldier from each side approaches the border gates. These are opened and the sharpest of handshakes is exchanged. It is symbolic in its brevity, but is a visible sign of a real improvement in international relations. In 2002, a million troops lined the Kashmir border and the world feared full-scale nuclear war. Now, the two countries are engaged in long-term peace talks.
But Pakistan has had a difficult year. Since 2001 and Musharraf’s decision to side with the USA in the ‘war on Terror’, the struggle with pro-Taleban Muslims has proved difficult for the General. It culminated in the infamous Lal Masjid siege in July this year. Hardline militants took control of the Red Mosque in Islamabad to protest against a government demolition programme aimed at illegally-built mosques. The army operation to end the siege, which killed more than 50 militants, rekindled the Waziristan war as pro-Taleban rebels rejected a 10-month-old peace deal with the Pakistani government and began attacking near the Afghan border.
As military dictators go, Musharraf has never been a fearsome leader. Anti-government protests have usually been allowed to proceed, and although media censorship has been imposed on occasion, in the day of the internet (or even pirate radio) it has only given the pro-democracy lobby more to shout about. The General’s dismissal and quick reinstatement of Pakistan’s Chief Justice in March was another blunder. But Musharraf has soldiered on, a neutered and ineffective dictator.
Pakistan has two main issues to address. First, its international relations, most importantly with the USA and India. Second, the political chaos that has enveloped the country, chiefly the surge of Muslim extremism. Clearly the two issues are linked: if Pakistan cannot effectively combat pro-Taleban rebels then US support will wane. Pakistan’s relations with India may have improved, but with no stable government there can be no long-term solutions.
Many think Musharraf now lacks the political support of the Pakistani public and a return to democracy seems inevitable. But, realistically, how long will Bhutto survive? She had only been in the country a few hours before an attempt on her life was made. The finger was naturally pointed at Taleban sympathisers, but why were the streetlights off where the bombs were detonated? The assassination attempt could easily have been organised by the secret services, the army or even Musharraf’s sympathisers. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto famously wrote from his prison cell, ‘My destiny is in the hands of the people. Only the people have the right to sever or seal their affinities with me.’ His daughter shares his fate.
Aamer Sarfraz
Dear Sir,
Benazir and other political parties are becoming increasing meaningless to Pakistan civil society. It has its own heroes in the shape of lawyers, judges, journalists, doctors and human rights activists who have led the revolt against Musharaf regime. They have been sacked, imprisoned and are being tortured in jails but the world media is not giving enough coverage. It seems to concentrate of Benazir et al who are corrupt and only there to serve their own or their masters’ interests. The only leader who is standing tall and has boycotted the upcoming sham elections in the absence of restoration of judiciary, freedom of media and release of political prisoners is Imran Khan.
Will Heaven
Dear Aamer,
Whilst the whole world has been impressed by Pakistan’s lawyers and judges, there must be a political figurehead to lead the country towards democracy.
Imran Khan, who is a hero of mine and one of the most balanced individuals on the political stage, has made it clear that he will not stand for presidency.
The task therefore seems to be Bhutto’s, regardless of how meaningless you think she is becoming. Her only obstacle seems to be the hundreds of her opponents who want her dead.
Sakaria Ali
Dear Sirs,
I too think that the political leaders of Pakistan, namely Nawaz Sharif, Benazir Bhutto and General Musharraf are all corrupt, and only there to serve their own purposes - whatever they may be. But I also think that the influence and interference of the West can not be understated. And the return of both Sharif and Bhutto is due to Western interference. So I am very much inclined to question how much power the people of Pakistan actually hold.
Secondly, I am intrigued as to why you admire Imran Khan so much when he has been shown to hold nothing more than a celebrity status. And he has also no political knowledge, power or principles.